Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is set to arrive in Washington on Tuesday for his initial White House visit in seven years. This occasion marks a crucial step toward restoring U.S.-Saudi relations and strengthening a partnership essential for American security and energy interests.

Prior to the meeting, a coalition of 9/11 survivors, first responders, and victims’ families urged the President to hold Saudi Arabia accountable for its alleged involvement in the 2001 attacks. This appeal follows a decision by United States federal district court judge George B. Daniels to dismiss a lawsuit brought by 9/11 victims’ families, which claimed the country was implicated in the attacks.

The visit coincides with President Trump’s public confirmation that the United States will sell F-35 fighter jets to Saudi Arabia. On Monday, he informed reporters, “I will say that we will be doing that. We’ll be selling the F-35s,” a declaration that immediately brings Israel’s qualitative military advantage and the region’s prospective defense framework into central discussion.

White House spokesperson Anna Kelly conveyed to Digital that “President Trump looks forward to welcoming Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud to the White House, where the two leaders will participate in an official working visit. Thanks to our Dealmaker-in-Chief, the United States secured $600 billion in historic investments during the President’s visit to Saudi Arabia earlier this year, and Americans can expect more good deals for our country spanning technology, manufacturing, critical minerals, defense, and more.”

A senior administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity, informed Digital that forthcoming agreements are anticipated to include a multi-billion dollar investment in America’s AI infrastructure, enhanced collaboration on civil nuclear energy, and defense sales aimed at bolstering defense cooperation between the two nations.

The official further indicated that the visit will also focus on fulfilling the Saudis’ $600 billion investment pledge through numerous targeted investments across key U.S. sectors.

In the region, the visit is considered historic. Aziz Alghashian, an international relations lecturer at Naif Arab University in Riyadh, expressed “a lot of excitement,” noting that “The Saudis have said they’re not isolated in the region… this is back through open doors and the front door again.” He suggested this moment signifies a broader shift in how Saudis perceive their nation’s global standing. According to Alghashian, Trump’s consistently warm comments about the Crown Prince and the kingdom also contribute to a perception that Riyadh is re-engaging with Washington from a strong position.

This visit by MBS marks his first appearance at the White House since the 2018 killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, an act U.S. intelligence assessed he approved, a charge he denies.

Jacob Olidort, director for American Security at the America First Policy Institute, told Digital that “Saudi Arabia is one of the top partners of ours in the region,” characterizing the trip as “well overdue, a reset of relations.”

A central element of the visit is the evolving U.S.-Saudi security pact. Alghashian outlined its objective in three words: “elevate, facilitate and consolidate.”

In his assessment, the agreement aims “to elevate the Saudi-American relationship,” transforming it from what he described as a “strategic partnership” into a more formalized security alignment. While not a comprehensive treaty, which Riyadh had previously sought, the pact would still represent the most significant upgrade to the relationship in decades. He added that this shift also has a domestic political rationale in Washington, arguing that being included in an “alliance” category “helps make Saudi Arabia become more of a bipartisan issue, and not just necessarily a Trump legacy.”

Alghashian further stated that Saudi Arabia is keen to finalize as much as possible now. He remarked, “The Saudis… feel urgency to get as much as they can from the Trump administration before these deals get complicated in the next administration.”

This urgency extends to nuclear energy, where Saudi Arabia has clarified its preference for an American program, despite alternatives from China and South Korea. He explained, “Saudi Arabia really wants American nuclear cooperation because it adds more security,” adding that Riyadh “will not wait forever” if conditions become overly restrictive, but views the current U.S. posture as an opportunity.

Olidort noted that Saudi Arabia has been “very categorical” about its expectations in a changing Middle East: a defense pact and progress on Palestinian statehood. He recalled a senior Saudi official recently stating that “there will be no regional integration without Palestinian statehood,” a position that reflects the kingdom’s long-standing public stance that recognition of Israel will only occur after a credible pathway to a Palestinian state is established.

Still, Olidort suggested that full Saudi-Israel normalization might not be immediately necessary for advancing U.S. priorities. He asserted that normalization “doesn’t need to be the immediate priority” and proposed that “an upgraded deepening of cooperation, but short of full normalization,” could be possible if both sides perceive value in closer security integration.

This perspective is particularly relevant given the conflict in Gaza and Riyadh’s stance on reconstruction. As Alghashian observed, Saudi Arabia has stated it “will not do reconstruction unless Hamas is gone and Israel withdraws,” a position that places the kingdom at odds with any rushed postwar plan and, in his view, leaves the region “in no man’s land.”

Trump’s decision to approve F-35 sales to Saudi Arabia introduces another layer of complexity. Saudi Arabia has formally requested up to 48 of the fifth-generation jets, potentially making it the largest F-35 buyer outside NATO and the second Arab state, after the United Arab Emirates, to receive them. This move could challenge Washington’s commitment to maintaining Israel’s qualitative military edge.

Olidort, however, contended that the sale does not automatically imperil Israel’s air superiority. He commented, “I don’t know that it will mean Israel losing air superiority,” noting that Israel’s defense and aerospace sectors are “world-class” and that the sale might “potentially deepen collaboration between Israel and Saudi Arabia and make each of our partners… more effective.”

Beyond defense, the visit is also centered on technology. Saudi Arabia is actively pursuing access to advanced technology and aiming to position itself as a global data and energy hub.

Olidort plainly articulated the issue, stating that AI cooperation with Saudi Arabia is a strategic priority for Washington because “the United States is in ‘a race’ with China.” He cautioned that “if we don’t get there, then we will be in a China-dominated AI space.” This viewpoint aligns with the broader U.S. assessment that the future of artificial intelligence—encompassing data-center capacity and semiconductor access—is intrinsically linked to great-power competition.

Alec Schemmel contributed to this report.