(SeaPRwire) –   A prominent Iranian strategist states that the extended delay in the burial of Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, points to a deepening crisis within the Islamic Republic.

Dr. Ramesh Sepehrrad shared these comments as peace talks between the United States and Iran have stalled, and rising internal tensions have cast doubt on the Iranian regime’s stability.

Fortieth-day mourning ceremonies for Khamenei kicked off in Iran on April 9, with officials still withholding details about his burial more than 40 days after he was killed. A three-day state funeral planned for early March 2026 has already been postponed.

“Forty-four days have gone by, and the regime does not have the confidence to bury Mojtaba’s late father publicly,” Sepehrrad, a member of the Organization of Iranian American Communities (OIAC), told Digital.

“This is a clear sign of the fear that runs through every level of this regime, from top to bottom,” Sepehrrad added. He went on to note that normally, “a religious regime holds the belief that their dead must be buried within 24 hours.”

Khamenei was killed on February 28 in a strike targeting a regime compound in central Tehran, while a separate strike hit his 56-year-old son Mojtaba Khamenei, who succeeded him as supreme leader.

Three people close to Mojtaba’s inner circle told Reuters on April 11 that he is still recovering from severe injuries to his face and legs.

The attack on the supreme leader’s compound in central Tehran left Mojtaba’s face disfigured, and he suffered significant injuries to one or both of his legs, three sources told the outlet.

“The 56-year-old is nonetheless healing from his wounds and remains mentally sharp, according to the sources, who requested anonymity to discuss this sensitive information.”

According to reports, two of the sources state that Mojtaba joins meetings with senior officials via audio conferencing, and participates in decision-making on key issues including the war and negotiations with Washington.

The report emerged as Iran held diplomatic talks with the U.S. in Islamabad, which were intended to ease tensions during a two-week ceasefire. The talks ultimately failed to deliver any breakthrough.

“Mojtaba shapes the core red lines of negotiations, even if he is not the public face of the process,” Sepehrrad claimed. “After all, for more than 10 years, he served as his father’s right-hand man and a key liaison to the IRGC.”

“Mojtaba tends to be less rhetorical, less focused on public displays of ideology, and more operational, because his main priority is the survival of the regime.”

Iran also confirmed Sunday that it has no plans for additional peace talks following the marathon summit, which was mediated by Pakistan.

“No plan for the timing, location, or next round of negotiations has been announced yet,” Iranian state news agency Nour reported Saturday, citing the country’s Supreme National Security Council, with no statement released by the new Supreme Leader.

“Mojtaba is less a supreme leader in the traditional sense and more the coordinator of a security-led system,” Sepehrrad explained, before describing him as “more like a security-backed coordinator.”

“This regime does not speak with one unified voice. It communicates according to separate functions,” Sepehrrad said.

“One channel handles negotiations, another issues threats, another carries out punishments, and another works to maintain ideological continuity. It is now a mafia,” the strategist claimed.

“The key dynamic here is not unity, but division of labor. What holds them together is regime survival, not trust.”

“What we are seeing now goes deeper: we have a leader who lacks inherent organic authority, so he governs through the institution that controls force,” Sepehrrad said.

The analyst added that while diplomats do participate in negotiations on the Iranian side, a broader circle of security-linked shapes Tehran’s overall stance, which reflects the growing dominance of hardline institutions.

“This is a brittle coalition of security figures,” Sepehrrad said, before noting that Mojtaba is “at the top, but is heavily reliant on the Guards, Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, SNSC chief Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr, IRGC commander Ahmad Vahidi, Judiciary chief Mohseni-Ejei, and law enforcement chief Ahmad-Reza Radan.”

“Several of the most important surviving senior figures are not primarily diplomats,” Sepehrrad said, before suggesting that this fact “should change how we interpret everything that comes out of Tehran.”

“This is a different system than the one many Western analysts still believe they are dealing with,” Sepehrrad explained. “Dual track — tactical flexibility in talks and harsher repression at home.”

“While the regime negotiates to buy time, reduce pressure on its forces, and prevent broader external escalation, it is likely to intensify arrests, executions, intimidation, and internet controls internally right now,” the strategist warned.

“The regime fears internal unrest more than it fears diplomacy,” Sepehrrad said.